Anniversaries
of any momentous event inevitably entail celebrations. And if it is the golden
jubilee of nationalization of 14 banks in 1969 by the Government “to promote
rapid growth in agriculture, small industries and export, to encourage new
entrepreneurs and to develop all backward areas”, an act that was then dubbed
as “a mighty leap for the nation”, it certainly calls for more than a
celebration: it prompts a deep reflection.
The
first thing that strikes one’s mind when one reflects on bank nationalization
is that it was an act emerging out of political considerations of a Prime
Minister who, being frustrated by the growing influence of a group of leaders
then popularly known as ‘syndicate’, was anxious to swipe them away to a corner
and thereby gain control over the party. And no wonder if a former Governor of
RBI described it as an act that happened “at the whim of a Prime
Minister”. Later, in 1980, the
government nationalized another six banks.
That
being the style in which banks were nationalised no wonder if people, even half
a century after continue debating whether nationalization was good or bad. Of
course, the honest answer is: it is both. First, let us take a look at what
good it did. After nationalization, the number of bank branches has gone up
phenomenally: they have gone up from 8,262 as in 1969 to 141,756. Notably, the
number of rural branches has gone up from 1,832 to 50,081, a neat rise of about
13%. The share of semi-urban branches has however gone down by about 13%, while
there is no significant difference in the percentage share of urban and
metropolitan branches between these two periods.
As a corollary
to this, aggregate deposits have gone up from Rs 4,646 cr to about Rs 125 tn,
while credit has gone up from Rs 3,599 cr to Rs 96.5 tn. The total assets of
Public Sector Banks (PSBs) have indeed grown at an annual rate of 4% till 1990.
Thereafter, bank credit grew by three times of the GDP growth till 2015. Credit
disbursal for agriculture has substantially gone up, for it became mandatory
for banks to compulsorily set aside 40 % of their net credit for agriculture,
micro and small enterprises, education and ‘weaker’ sections. Further,
government’s poverty elevation programs too were extensively supported by PSBs.
And
here ends the good part and begins its unintended consequences that are
haunting PSBs even today. The first victim of nationalization is: erosion in
the efficiency of bank management. In its anxiety to give representation to
various sections of the society in the boards of PSBs, the government appointed
people from all walks of life to the boards. As a result, boards are often
found ill-equipped to monitor the functioning of banks. Over it, owing to no
competition, even a negative return on capital failed to alert the
managements. Till economic reforms were
launched in 1991, PSBs never acted as autonomous profit-seeking entities, and rather
operated more as a part of government’s fiscal mechanism.
Coming
to the specifics, prior to nationalization, banks were engaged in trade
finance. But once nationalized, they, despite their poor credit assessment
skills, started financing every activity: right from establishment of an
industrial setup by a new entrepreneur to a cobbler seeking self-employment,
all were lent funds, all under the guise of directed lending. And the result
is: accumulation of bad debts. Over it, political patronage played havoc with
credit portfolio of banks. The net result is: whopping stressed assets and
demand for repeated infusion of new capital to keep banks viable. And today
filed up bad debts are even causing acute liquidity crisis in the system.
With
the declining profitability of private corporates after 2011-12, corporates
found it pretty convenient to pass on their losses to PSBs. With the result PSBs
are today saddled with huge chunk of bad debts that are not only eating into
their profits but also their owned capital.
Reports indicate that Rs 4 trillion plus worth of bad debts were written
off by PSBs during 2014-15 to 2017-18. Although bad debts were mounting up over
the years, the regulator of the banking system appears to have remained as a
mute spectator. Even the kind of frauds
involving thousands of crores reported in the recent past from the system and
the way even private-owned banks and shadow banks are of late defaulting, one
wonders if the regulatory mechanism is robust enough to keep the system healthy
and agile.
That said, even the
government’s action to correct the situation, it must be admitted, is not
matching the gravity of the crisis. Even the Insolvency and bankruptcy Code
enacted in 2016 could not prove to be effective in recovering NPAs quickly. Even
the vigilance mechanism of the government is proving to be a hurdle, for continuous
surveillance is not conducive for taking bold credit decisions that are always
prone to turn out as bad at a future date.
Such mechanism will only dampen the spirit of even honest officers.
Hence the question: What now?
Or, what next? Of course, there are no easy answers. Some are clamouring for
denationalisation of banks hoping that private management is the all cure for
the present ills of the system. But looking at the performance of some of the
much talked about private financial institutes in the recent past, a rationale
man is not encouraged to think privatisation as the only right answer to the
current problems of the banking system. Over it, if one analyses the
performance private management as a whole vis-a-vis the kind of balance sheet
management of many industrial establishments in the country, it fails to emerge
as the only panacea.
Under
such tiring circumstances, one way forward could be: to make PSBs fully
autonomous by endowing them with professional management and making them
accountable to the market system. This, of course, calls for political will.
Now the question is: Does the government have gumption to stop politicians and
bureaucrats from their habitual treating of PSBs as personal fiefdoms and nurture
resilience and professionalism in banks that enables the owner to demand for
financial accountability from their management? Simply put, government should
keep itself away from their management by empowering boards to choose top
management cadre and demand for performance, of course, by paying
market-determined wages. Government should only be concerned about monitoring banks’
performance against the set goals. And all this simply calls for: Reforms in governance. Else, the system may tumble down pulling
down the real economy along with it.
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