Ever since the
Special Economic Zones Act was passed hoping that creation of such specially
carved “capitalist enclaves” would attract the much needed investments in
creation of excellent infrastructure—both from domestic and foreign
sources—much dust has been raised both in the political and academic circles.
The current mood
in the country well reflects in the question: “What role do you see for SEZs in
accelerating India’s economic growth?”—that was put to no less than our Prime
Minister by Naina Lal Kidwai at the “ET Awards for Corporate Excellence”, 2006
ceremony, held in Mumbai.
In his own
characteristic candor, he responded: “Well, the special economic zones have
come to be accepted as part of the new policy that we have evolved. So long as
we cannot get rid of all taxes on goods and services, so long as we cannot have
uniformly good infrastructure, I do believe that these special economic zones
have a role in accelerating our growth and also to generate more employment
opportunities, to generate more exports. In the recent weeks, several concerns
have been raised…, and I do believe that they will play an important role in
the next stage of development in our country.”
SEZs are not
new, for Deng Xiaophing, by using them as tool to attract foreign investment
and technical know-how into China as a part of its modernization program had
made them quite popular all over the world. Indeed, they are not new even for
us, since we did establish such enclaves in Kandla, Mumbai, etc., in the early
1960s. So, what this controversy is all about, now?
One criticism is
that the government blessed SEZs with lavish tax breaks: they are exempted from
Indian trade tariffs; granted 100% tax holiday for five years, a 50% tax break
for another five years, and a further five year tax break on re-invested
profits. Obviously, this raised alarms even within the North Block, for the
revenue losses owing to these sops are estimated to exceed Rs. 1,00,000 cr.
Even, Raghuram Rajan, the Chief Economist of International Monetary Fund
commented that these tax holidays are likely to encourage businesses to shift
their existing production to the SEZs. But the government has a counter: only
the new investments are entitled for these tax sops. But the moot question is,
who is to certify the new investment? The obvious result could be: increased
corruption. Nevertheless, can we afford to forget the old axiom: if we have to
have more of something, we have to necessarily give more of something somewhere
else? Nevertheless, all these distill to a point: we need to have an effective
and honest monitoring and review mechanism in place.
As though to
capitalize on these sops, no sooner was the Act passed than every business
house in India jumped aboard the bandwagon: around 400 proposals were submitted
to the Ministry of Commerce, of which according to latest reports, 260 SEZs
have been approved so far. This raised the second concern about prime
agricultural land being converted into SEZs as the land requirement for every
multi-service SEZs is a minimum of 1,000 hectares and that of service sector
SEZs is 100 hectares. As against this, academicians argue that success of SEZ
depends on its “location, its connectivity with the outside world, capacity for
huge investment for creating excellent infrastructure within the identified
geography and a huge geographical spread of its own.” Incidentally, China’s
SEZs are reported to have a spread covering as much as 150 sq km, while the
average size of our proposed SEZs is said to be around 1 sq km and hence many
academicians argue that they would be of no economic value.
Nevertheless,
the question of converting prime agricultural land into SEZs merits attention
for fertile land being nature’s gift cannot be created anywhere, while SEZs can
be created everywhere. Hence, location of SEZs must be carefully chosen with
due attention to the agro-socioeconomic considerations.
The Reserve Bank
of India raised another controversy when it asked banks to treat loans granted
to developers as loans granted to real estate developers rather than for
infrastructure creation for assigning risk-based capital, which means rise in
cost of funding.
All these
controversies may not really deter Indian businesses from investing in SEZs,
for they are quite used to such fluidity. But academicians, looking at these
controversies, very much doubt the ability of SEZs in creating world-class
manufacturing facilities. Further, they, having had the experience of our urban
infrastructure that is best represented by the likes of Dharavi—Asia’s biggest
slum—also doubt our ability to create appropriate infrastructure in the new
satellite towns around these SEZs. Another apprehension is: what if the
businesses in a SEZ fail? And, most importantly, they are highly scared of our
archaic labor laws, whose modification is now left to the discretion of State
governments. Unless all these issues are sorted out and policy becomes clearer,
they aver that the much sought after investments from the overseas investors may
not flow into SEZs.
But we have no
option: We have to make them work!
(November, 2006)
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